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    Emerging trends in Sub-Saharan Africa

    Module 1: Violence Against Women Journalists in SSA

    Sharp increases in online violence

    UNESCO’s 2020 global snapshot of online violence against women journalists found that of the women surveyed—

    • 73% had experienced online violence in the course of their work;
    • 25% had received threats of physical violence;
    • 18% had been threatened with sexual violence; and
    • 20% reported being attacked offline in connection with online violence they had experienced.(1)

    General trends include:

    • The significant increase in incidents of violence against women journalists comes in the wake of increasing online activity due to the COVID‑19 pandemic as well as the consequences of the global rise of disinformation and the pervasive toxicity of digital platforms.(2)
    • “Platform capture” — the weaponisation of social media by malicious actors, exacerbated by structural failures of the platforms’ business models and design, and the increasing dependence of news organisations and journalists on these platforms.(3)
    • Women journalists who cover political issues are increasingly likely to face attacks and threats online.(4) When compounded with entrenched misogyny, discrimination, and hate speech, which have seeped into the online world, women journalists face ongoing threats to their safety.

    These global trends are prevalent in Sub-Saharan Africa, with online harassment and violence being a source of significant fear for women journalists in the region.(5) For example:

    • A study of five countries in sub-Saharan Africa found that “organized trolling has been on the rise, especially against women with public-facing careers such as journalists, media personalities, activists and politicians.”(6) Similar findings were documented in a report on eight countries in Southern Africa where women journalists, alongside politicians, are most commonly and severely targeted for online abuse.(7)
    • In 2018, the Association of Media Women of Kenya (AMWIK) found that numerous Kenyan female journalists have been targeted by online smear campaigns that utilise hashtags, edited photos, and videos featuring nude imagery.(8) More recently, in 2022, women journalists from Kenya revealed how “one day, you could be an ordinary journalist going about your reporting duties with zeal and dedication; the next day, the internet is flooded with your private pictures and videos and abusive comments from anonymous people who don’t have a clue of who you are.”(9)
    • iWatch Ghana likewise reports that in the second quarter of 2020, a female journalist in Ghana faced an average of 61 incidents of abuse in the reporting period, compared to a male journalist at 28, noting hateful comments related to appearance, gender, and sexuality.(10)
    • In Zimbabwe, there has been a rise of “blatant sexist and misogynistic” online attacks against women journalists.(11)
    • In Tanzania, the Executive Secretary of the Media Council has noted with concern, how the targeted and unjustified attacks of women journalists online have a “debilitating effect on journalism”.(12) Women journalists in Tanzania explain that they are targeted because of their gender often facing appearance-focused criticisms and objectifications.(13)
    • Recent research on online gender-based violence in Uganda revealed that women journalists endured multiple forms of online harassment and violence due to their work, with those reporting on political issues more likely to be targeted for online vitriol and abuse.(14)
    • South Africa is no different, with pervasive and persistent efforts to silence, threaten, and harass women journalists online.(15)
    • In Namibia, recent research confirms, that while underreported, online gender-based violence targeting female journalists is an emerging phenomenon that cuts across gender, racial, ethnic, and professional identities.(16)

    It is evident from the above that violence against women journalists forms part of a broader trend of misogyny and violence against women across the continent. That said, it is highly likely, due to under-reporting and the deprioritising of online harms that the rate and impact of online violence against women journalists is far worse and remains a growing concern.(17)

    State’s failures to enable media freedom

    Perhaps most concerning, the UNESCO research found that not only are states struggling to respond effectively to the proliferation of online harms, but such conduct is also frequently sponsored, supported, or amplified by high-level political leaders and state-related actors.(18) 37% of respondents noted that political actors were the source of the attacks they faced — the second most frequently cited source.(19) The trend of politicians orchestrating or at least tacitly encouraging attacks was similarly identified by the UNSR on VAW in her 2020 report on combatting violence against women journalists.”(20)

    Perhaps most concerningly, the UNESCO research found that not only are states struggling to respond effectively to the proliferation of online harms, but such conduct is also frequently sponsored, supported, or amplified by high-level political leaders and state-related actors.(21) 37% of respondents noted that political actors were the source of the attacks they faced — the second most frequently cited source.(22) The trend of politicians orchestrating or at least tacitly encouraging attacks was similarly identified by the UNSR on VAW in her 2020 report on combatting violence against women journalists.”(23)

    Zimbabwe’s political targeting of women journalists

    In recent years, Zimbabwe has been the site of government-aligned as well as political attacks against women journalists. In 2020, the South African National Editors Forum (SANEF) condemned the actions of the Press Secretary in the Office of the President of Zimbabwe and the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information of Zimbabwe for their “vicious online and social media trolling of women journalists and media workers in Zimbabwe”.(24) In 2021, criticised the ruling party, ZANU-PF’s, Director of Information and Publicity for using social media to intimidate and harass a female journalist.(25)

    While states have a negative obligation under international human rights law to refrain from actions that infringe on human rights, including the right to freedom of expression and the press, they also have a positive obligation to protect rights, which means taking steps to create and promote an enabling environment in which journalists can effectively play their essential role in democracy.(26) This means passing appropriate laws, providing protection for journalists where necessary, preventing attacks, and properly investigating and prosecuting them when they do occur.

    For example, the 2023 Joint Declaration on Media Freedom and Democracy (Joint Declaration), issued by multiple key mandate holders in international fora,(27) confirms that the scope of this obligation includes a positive obligation to create an enabling environment for media freedom, which includes:

    • Adopting comprehensive measures for the safety of journalists and media workers to protect them from violence, online and physical attacks, threats and harassment, or illegitimate surveillance, while integrating gender and intersectionality perspectives; and
    • Taking measures to protect journalists and media outlets from strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) and the misuse of criminal law and the judicial system to attack and silence them, including by adopting laws and policies that prevent and/or mitigate such cases and provide support to victims.(28)

    Encompassing the negative obligation the Joint Declaration recommends that states should:

    • Refrain from unduly interfering with the right to freedom of expression. In particular, states should “ensure that any restrictions on the right to freedom of expression comply with international human rights standards”;(29) and
    • Ensure that “legal frameworks should not be abused to illegitimately obstruct the work of independent media”.(30)

    The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa similarly provides that “the right to express oneself through the media by practising journalism shall not be subject to undue legal restrictions.”(31) In order to promote this right, states must take measures to prevent attacks on journalists and other media practitioners, including acts of intimidation or threats undertaken by State and non-State actors.(32)

    Case note: An enabling environment without fear, intimidation, or harassment

    In Maughan v Zuma and Others (2023), a South African High Court found that efforts by former President Zuma to silence female journalist Karyn Maughan by trying to have her criminally charged was tantamount to a SLAPP suit. In its reasoning, the Court reiterated that states have an obligation to ensure an enabling environment to ensure conditions in which expressive rights and vigorous public debate can thrive. This requires an environment in which the media are able to exercise the right to freedom of expression and report freely on matters of public interest without threats and without fear, intimidation, and harassment.(33)

    Challenges to the fulfilment of the state’s obligations include:

    • Lack of recognition: There are challenges in getting lawmakers and law enforcement officials to recognise the severity and import of online harassment.(34) There appears to be a lack of understanding of the severity of the consequences of online harms, as well as its close relationship with offline violence. This creates a widespread sense of impunity is created which contributes to a vicious cycle of continued violence against women journalists.
    • Challenges in conflict zones: Journalists in active conflict zones or areas experiencing crises face physical challenges and threats. In recent years, this has been exacerbated by the use of new digital tools to threaten and silence journalists, with particular risks for women journalists. In times of crisis, there is often greater sensitivity to honest and potentially critical reporting and frequent misuse of the ‘national security’ justification for opacity. Conflict zones place journalists, especially women journalists at risk of military attacks, police intimidation, surveillance, and GBV.(35)

    Footnotes

    1. UNESCO ‘Online violence against women journalists: a global snapshot of incidence and impacts’, 2020 (accessible at https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000377223). The research involved over 700 women participants from 125 countries. Back
    2. UNESCO, The Chilling, above n 4. Back
    3. Id. Back
    4. UNESCO, ‘Violence against journalists, the integrity of elections, and the role of public leadership: draft concept note’ (2023) (accessible at https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000386433). Back
    5. Fojo Media Institute and Africa Women in Media (AWiM), Barriers to Women Journalists, (2020) (accessible at https://fojo.se/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Barriers-to-Women-Journalists-In-Sub-Saharan-Africa5.pdf). Back
    6. APC, ‘Alternate realities, alternate internets: African feminist research for a feminist internet,’ (2020) (accessible at https://www.apc.org/en/pubs/alternate-realities-alternate-internets-african-feminist-research-feminist-internet) at 26. Back
    7. Meta & Centre for Human Rights, ‘Understanding gender-based violence in Southern Africa,’ (2021) (accessible at https://www.chr.up.ac.za/images/researchunits/dgdr/documents/resources/FINAL_v_Understanding_oGBV_in_Southern_Africa.pdf). Back
    8. AMWIK, ‘Online safety for women journalists: An update of the Survey on Women Journalists in Kenya’ (2018) (accessible at https://amwik.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Updated-Baseline-Survey-Online-Violence.pdf). Back
    9. Walusala, ‘Online Violence Against Women: In whose hands are journalists safe?’ Centre for International Media Assistance (2022) (accessible at https://www.cima.ned.org/blog/online-violence-against-women-in-whose-hands-are-journalists-safe/). Back
    10. iWatch Africa, ‘Q2 Report: Manasseh Azure, Nana Aba Anamoah & Justice Annan among most abused journalist online, Tracking digital rights in Ghana’ (2020) (accessible at https://iwatchafrica.org/2020/07/27/q2-report-manasseh-azure-nana-aba-anamoah-justice-annan-among-most-abused-journalists-online/). Back
    11. South African National Editors Forum (SANEF), ‘SANEF calls on Zimbabwe to stop online abuse of female journalists and to release journalist Hopewell Chin’ono’ (2021) (accessible at https://sanef.org.za/sanef-calls-on-zimbabwe-to-stop-online-abuse-of-female-journalists-and-to-release-journalist-hopewell-chinono/). See also, Mokwetsi, ‘How to create a safe space for women journalists in Zimbabwe’ (2021) (accessible at https://fojo.se/how-to-create-a-safe-space/). Back
    12. Tech & Media Convergency (TMC), ‘A Comprehensive Analysis: Uncovering Journalistic Perspectives on Online Gender-based Violence (OGBV): Tanzania Context’ (2023) (accessible at https://tmc.co.tz/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/REPORT-OGBV-in-the-Eyes-of-Journalism.pdf) at viii. Back
    13. Id at 35. Back
    14. Walulya & Selns, ‘“I thought You Are Beautiful”: Uganda Women Journalists’ Tales of Mob Violence on Social Media’ Digital Journalism (2023) (accessible at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/21670811.2023.2170899). Back
    15. Daniels & Skinner, ‘Cybermisogyny signals sexism in the media and newsroom’ Daily Maverick (2023) (accessible at https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2023-02-08-cybermisogyny-signals-sexism-in-the-media-and-newsrooms/). Back
    16. Zviyita & Mare, ‘Same threats, different platforms? Female journalists’ experiences of online gender‑based violence in selected newsrooms in Namibia’ Journalism (2023) (accessible at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/14648849231183815). Back
    17. CIPESA & UNESCO, ‘The State of Media Freedom and Safety of Journalists in Africa’ (2022) (accessible at https://cipesa.org/wp-content/files/The_State_of_Media_Freedom_and_Safety_of_Journalists_in_Africa_Report.pdf) at 25. See also Journalism Initiative on Gender Based Violence (JiG), ‘Reporting Challenges’ (2021) (accessible at https://gbvjournalism.org/book/reporting-challenges#:~:text=The risks of gender-related,the profession, and press freedom.). Back
    18. UNESCO, The Chilling, above n 4 at 11. Back
    19. Id at 14. Back
    20. UNHRC ‘Combating violence against women journalists: Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences’, (2020) (UNSR on VAW: Combating violence against women journalists Report) (accessible at https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G20/109/79/PDF/G2010979.pdf?OpenElement).). Back
    21. UNESCO, The Chilling, above n 4 at 11. Back
    22. Id at 14. Back
    23. UNHRC ‘Combating violence against women journalists: Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences’, (2020) (UNSR on VAW: Combating violence against women journalists Report) (accessible at https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G20/109/79/PDF/G2010979.pdf?OpenElement).). Back
    24. SANEF above n 23. Back
    25. Id. Back
    26. Centre for Law and Democracy & International Media Support, ‘Freedom of Expression as a Human Right’ (2015) (accessible at https://www.law-democracy.org/live/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/foe-briefingnotes-1.pdf). Back
    27. UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Representative on Freedom of the Media, the Organization of American States (OAS) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa. Back
    28. Joint Declaration on Media Freedom and Democracy (2023) (accessible at https://achpr.au.int/index.php/en/news/press-releases/2023-05-04/joint-declaration-media-freedom-and-democracy). Back
    29. Id. Back
    30. Id. Back
    31. African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, ‘Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa,’ (2019) at principle 19(1). Back
    32. Id at principle 20(2). Back
    33. Id at para 1133. Back
    34. Media Defence, ‘Cyber Rights and Wrongs: Safeguarding Human Rights Online in Kenya,’ (2023) (accessible at https://www.mediadefence.org/news/human-rights-online-in-kenya/). Back
    35. International Federation of Journalists, ‘Women reporting conflicts: Changing the narrative, staying safe,’ (2023) (accessible at https://www.ifj.org/actions/ifj-campaigns/women-reporting-conflicts). Back