{"id":1011,"date":"2022-09-21T18:26:31","date_gmt":"2022-09-21T17:26:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.mediadefence.org\/ereader\/?post_type=publication&#038;p=1011"},"modified":"2022-09-22T11:22:08","modified_gmt":"2022-09-22T10:22:08","slug":"physical-attacks","status":"publish","type":"publication","link":"https:\/\/www.mediadefence.org\/ereader\/publications\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\/physical-attacks\/","title":{"rendered":"Physical Attacks"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\"><p><em>\u201cThe most extreme form of censorship is to kill a journalist. The killing not only silences the voice of the particular journalist, but also intimidates other journalists and the public in general.\u201d<\/em><\/p><cite>UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Christof Heyns[footnote]Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, A\/HRC\/20\/22 (2012) at para. 21.[\/footnote]<\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">UNESCO\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/themes\/safety-journalists\/observatory\"><em>Observatory on Killed Journalists<\/em><\/a> documents 1529 journalists and media workers who have been killed since 1993.[footnote]The data tracks killings of \u201cjournalists, media workers and social media producers who are engaged in journalistic activity\u201d. UNESCO Director-General\u2019s Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity, &nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/themes\/safety-journalists\/dgreport\/methodology\">https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/themes\/safety-journalists\/dgreport\/methodology<\/a>. The Committee to Protect Journalists, with a slightly different methodology, counts 1449 journalists or 1565 journalists and media workers killed with a confirmed motive in a similar time period (1992-2022), <a href=\"https:\/\/cpj.org\/data\/killed\/?status=Killed&amp;motiveConfirmed%5B%5D=Confirmed&amp;type%5B%5D=Journalist&amp;start_year=1992&amp;end_year=2022&amp;group_by=year\">https:\/\/cpj.org\/data\/killed\/?status=Killed&amp;motiveConfirmed%5B%5D=Confirmed&amp;type%5B%5D=Journalist&amp;start_year=1992&amp;end_year=2022&amp;group_by=year<\/a>[\/footnote] Impunity for these cases is unfortunately high: as of 2020, only 13% of the cases had been resolved.[footnote]IPDC, \u2018Direct-General Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity\u2019 (2020) at p. 18 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/unesdoc.unesco.org\/ark:\/48223\/pf0000374700\/PDF\/374700eng.pdf.multi\">https:\/\/unesdoc.unesco.org\/ark:\/48223\/pf0000374700\/PDF\/374700eng.pdf.multi<\/a>).[\/footnote] A number of countries in South and Southeast Asia are among the worst performers, including the Philippines (112), Pakistan (86), Afghanistan (81), India (65), Bangladesh (25) and Sri Lanka (12).[footnote]UNESCO, \u2018Observatory of Killed Journalists\u2019, <a href=\"https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/themes\/safety-journalists\/observatory\">https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/themes\/safety-journalists\/observatory<\/a>.[\/footnote] The Committee for the Protection of Journalists also includes Afghanistan, the Philippines, Pakistan, Bangladesh and India on its impunity index, which counts countries with more than five unsolved journalist murders.[footnote]Jennifer Dunham, \u2018Killers of Journalists Still Get Away with Murder, Committee to Protect Journalists\u2019, (2021) (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/cpj.org\/reports\/2021\/10\/killers-of-journalists-still-get-away-with-murder\/#index\">https:\/\/cpj.org\/reports\/2021\/10\/killers-of-journalists-still-get-away-with-murder\/#index<\/a>).[\/footnote]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While killings are a particularly grave example of violence against journalists, other forms of violence also have serious impacts on the realisation of freedom of expression. These include, for example, torture, arbitrary arrest or detention, enforced disappearances, intimidation or harassment, and threats. Data on such acts is more challenging to track, but they can have serious consequences for freedom of expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">None of these kinds of attacks on journalists, if based on their exercise of freedom of expression, can be justified \u201cunder any circumstance\u201d.[footnote]Human Rights Committee, \u2018General Comment No. 34\u2019 at para. 34.[\/footnote] Such acts not only violate freedom of expression but also may violate other fundamental human rights, such as the right to life, the right to be free from torture, the right to liberty and security of the person, or the right to be free from interference with one\u2019s privacy, family or home life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">States must first ensure that their own agents do not commit violence against journalists. State officials must, in addition to avoiding acts of violence themselves, \u201ccontrol and adequately supervise their officers\u201d.[footnote]Investigation of, accountability for and prevention of intentional State killings of human rights defenders, journalists and prominent dissidents: Report of the Special Rapporteur on extra judicial, summary or arbitrary executions, A\/HRC\/41\/36 (2019) at para. 29.[\/footnote] On the other hand, lower-level officials should not be able to rely on a defence of obedience to superior orders for these kinds of serious crimes.[footnote]Human Rights Committee, \u2018General Comment No. 31\u2019 at para. 18.[\/footnote] Government officials should also take care to avoid making public statements which stigmatise the media, threaten journalists or undermine respect for media independence.[footnote]International Mechanisms for Promoting Freedom of Expression, \u20182018 Joint Declaration on Media Independence and Diversity in the Digital Age\u2019, para. 4(b), https:\/\/www.oas.org\/en\/iachr\/expression\/showarticle.asp?artID=1100&amp;lID=1; Investigation of, accountability for and prevention of intentional State killings of human rights defenders, journalists and prominent dissidents: Report of the Special Rapporteur on extra judicial, summary or arbitrary executions, A\/HRC\/41\/36 (2019) at para. 29.[\/footnote]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">States also have positive obligations to create a safe environment for journalists. This means exercising due diligence to address attacks on journalists by non-State actors. A State\u2019s positive obligations in these areas can be summarised as an obligation to prevent, to protect and to investigate, prosecute and redress.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li><strong>Preventing violence against journalists<\/strong>: States should take action to prevent violence against journalists, including \u201cprevention mechanisms and actions to address some of the root causes of violence against journalists and of impunity.\u201d[footnote]UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, CI-12\/CONF.202\/6 at para. 1.6 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/sites\/default\/files\/un-plan-on-safety-journalists_en.pdf\">https:\/\/en.unesco.org\/sites\/default\/files\/un-plan-on-safety-journalists_en.pdf<\/a>).[\/footnote] These preventative measures may include amending legal frameworks to criminalise properly acts of violence against journalists, revising the media law framework to enable the media to engage freely in journalistic activity without interference, undertaking awareness-raising and education efforts, monitoring and reporting on attacks on journalists, or training security personnel, among others.[footnote]International Mechanisms for Promoting Freedom of Expression, \u20182012 Joint Declaration on Crimes against Freedom of Expression\u2019 (accessible at: https:\/\/www.osce.org\/representative-on-freedom-of-media\/91595); Human Rights Council, \u2018Resolution 21\/12\u2019, A\/HRC\/RES\/21\/12 (2012) at para. 8.[\/footnote]<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-group highlight\"><div class=\"wp-block-group__inner-container is-layout-flow wp-block-group-is-layout-flow\">\n<h5 class=\"has-text-align-center wp-block-heading\"><strong>Compelling Good Behaviour from Investigatory Authorities: A Case from Pakistan<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While investigatory authorities have primary responsibility for taking measures to prevent their own agents from harassing or using violence against journalists, courts can also order or recommend institutional changes. A good example is the decision of the Islamabad High Court in <a href=\"https:\/\/globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/05\/W.P-2939-2020_________________________637406912282280654.pdf\"><em>Rana Muhammad Arshad v. Pakistan<\/em><\/a><em>. <\/em>The journalist in this case had received a vague notice issued by the Federal Investigating Agency under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, followed by a raid of his residence, apparently because of a tweet he had disseminated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The Court noted an increase in complaints about vague notices under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act. It expressed concern that this was either the result of a misinterpretation of the law or an attempt to suppress journalism, contrary to the duty of the State to avoid any actual or perception of an abuse of its powers in order to threaten the press.[footnote]<em>Rana Muhammad Arshad v. Pakistan<\/em>, Islamabad High Court, W.P. No. 2939\/2020 (2020), para. 10 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/05\/W.P-2939-2020_________________________637406912282280654.pdf\">https:\/\/globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/05\/W.P-2939-2020_________________________637406912282280654.pdf<\/a>).[\/footnote] The Court instructed the Federal Investigating Agency to formulate guidelines for investigating officers and to consider prescribing special guidelines regarding investigations of journalists, in light of the importance of freedom of the press. The Court also suggested that the government should consider establishing a mechanism for handling complaints about violations of freedom of the press and hold consultations with press institutions to understand their perceptions about media intimidation by authorities.[footnote]<em>Id. <\/em>at para. 11.[\/footnote] <\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li><strong>Protecting at-risk journalists<\/strong>: States should also adopt \u201ceffective measures\u201d to protect journalists from attacks.[footnote]<em>Id. <\/em>at para. 11.[\/footnote] They could include issuing protective orders promptly, establishing specific information-gathering mechanisms or creating early warning mechanisms.[footnote]Human Rights Council Resolution 33\/2, A\/HRC\/RES\/33\/2 (2016), para. 6.[\/footnote] It could also include offering specific protection to at-risk journalists, such as safety equipment, hotlines or even guards where needed.<br><br>In some cases, particularly in countries with recurring incidents of violence against journalists, specialised protection mechanisms should be created. Such mechanisms may incorporate features such as an urgent action procedure where journalists can request protective support. <br><br>When a State fails to take steps to protect a specific journalist who is at risk, that State may violate its obligation to protect. Whether the State has taken sufficient steps to protect a journalist will depend on the facts. However, in assessing State obligations in these cases, the European and Inter-American regional human rights courts have relied upon the following standard: whether authorities knew or should have known of a real and immediate danger to the journalist and failed to take reasonable protective measures.[footnote]See, for example, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, <em>Pueblo Bello Massacre v. Colombia<\/em> (2006), Series C, No. 140 at para. 123 (available at: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/seriec_140_ing.pdf\">http:\/\/www.corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/seriec_140_ing.pdf<\/a>); and European Court of Human Rights, <em>Osman v. United Kingdom<\/em> (1998), Application No. 23452\/94 at para. 116 (available at: <a href=\"http:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-58257\">http:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-58257<\/a>). Although <em>Osman <\/em>itself did not specifically address freedom of expression, elsewhere the Court has found violations of freedom of expression (along with other rights) for failures to protect journalists from attack. See <em>Dink v. Turkey<\/em> (2010), Application Nos. 2668\/07, 6102\/08, 30079\/08, 7072\/09 and 7124\/09 (available at: https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng-press?i=003-3262169-3640194); and <em>\u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndem v. Turkey<\/em> (2000), Application No. 23144\/93 (available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng-press?i=003-68306-68774\">https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng-press?i=003-68306-68774<\/a>).[\/footnote]<br><\/li><li><strong>Investigation, prosecution and redress of attacks<\/strong>: When an attack on a journalist occurs, authorities have a responsibility to take effective steps to investigate and prosecute that crime, and ensure that proper redress is provided. Failing to do so may violate Article 2(3) of the ICCPR (or the equivalent in other treaties), which requires effective remedies for human rights violations, in addition to freedom of expression and other implicated rights.[footnote]Human Rights Committee, \u2018General Comment No. 31\u2019 at para. 18. See also Human Rights Committee, <em>Jit Man Banet and Top Bahadur Basnet v. Nepal<\/em>, Communication No. 201\/2011, para. 8.8 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/juris.ohchr.org\/Search\/Details\/1904\">https:\/\/juris.ohchr.org\/Search\/Details\/1904<\/a>).[\/footnote]<br><br>The investigation and prosecution of such crimes should meet certain minimum standards. They should be investigated thoroughly and rigorously, in a timely manner, and by impartial and effective authorities.[footnote]Human Rights Council, \u2018Resolution 27\/5\u2019, A\/HRC\/RES\/27\/5, 2 October 2014 at para. 2-3; and International Mechanisms for Promoting Freedom of Expression, \u20182012 Joint Declaration on Crimes against Freedom of Expression\u2019 at para. 4.[\/footnote] Ensuring these standards are met will require certain institutional efforts, such as ensuring investigatory units are sufficiently well-resourced and that the independence of courts is protected.[footnote]International Mechanisms for Promoting Freedom of Expression, \u20182012 Joint Declaration on Crimes against Freedom of Expression\u2019.[\/footnote]<br><br>In examining individual cases, human rights courts have looked at a variety of factors when assessing whether the State has fulfilled its obligations. Examples where this obligation was not met include:<br><ul><li>Unjustified or unreasonable delays in investigation and prosecution, such as when Russia failed to provide \u201cconvincing and plausible\u201d reasons for lengthiness of investigations into the assassination of a journalist.[footnote]European Court of Human Rights, <em>Mazepa and others v. Russia <\/em>(2018), Application No. 15086\/07 at para. 80-8 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-184660\">https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-184660<\/a>).[\/footnote]<\/li><li>Insufficient independence for responsible government authorities, such as when a Colombian military tribunal investigated alleged attacks on a journalist by members of the military.[footnote]<em>V\u00e9lez Restrepo y Familiares v. Colombia<\/em> (2012), Series C No. 248, <a href=\"https:\/\/corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/seriec_248_esp.pdf\">https:\/\/corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/seriec_248_esp.pdf<\/a> (only available in Spanish but a summary in English is accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/resumen_248_ing.pdf\">https:\/\/www.corteidh.or.cr\/docs\/casos\/articulos\/resumen_248_ing.pdf<\/a>)[\/footnote]<\/li><li>Failing to investigate whether a journalist\u2019s murder was linked to his work as a journalist.[footnote]European Court of Human Rights, <em>Adali v Turkey<\/em> (2005), Application No. 381187\/97 (accessible at: https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-68670); and <em>Kilic v. Turkey<\/em> (2000), Application No. 22492\/93 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-164693\">https:\/\/hudoc.echr.coe.int\/eng?i=001-164693<\/a>).[\/footnote]<\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Proper redress includes not only obtaining a conviction but also ensuring the victim (or family members) are appropriately compensated. Such reparations may include broader restitution or rehabilitation measures such as public apologies or memorials, guarantees to prevent such crimes in the future or changing laws and practices.[footnote]Human Rights Committee, \u2018General Comment No. 31\u2019 at para. 16.[\/footnote]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Finally, while this Module deals with human rights law, journalists are also protected under international humanitarian law, which governs armed conflicts. Under international humanitarian law, journalists are considered to be civilians, not combatants.[footnote]International Committee of the Red Cross, \u2018Customary IHL Database, Rule 34: Journalists\u2019 (accessible at: <a href=\"https:\/\/ihl-databases.icrc.org\/customary-ihl\/eng\/docs\/v1_rul_rule34\">https:\/\/ihl-databases.icrc.org\/customary-ihl\/eng\/docs\/v1_rul_rule34<\/a>).[\/footnote] Like other civilians present in a war zone, they should not be the subject of intentional military attacks.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u201cThe most extreme form of censorship is to kill a journalist. The killing not only silences the voice of the particular journalist, but also intimidates other journalists and the public in general.\u201d UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Christof Heyns[footnote]Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, A\/HRC\/20\/22 (2012) [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"parent":1004,"menu_order":166,"template":"page-templates\/chapter.php","publication-category":[],"class_list":["post-1011","publication","type-publication","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.0 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Physical Attacks | eReader<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.mediadefence.org\/ereader\/publications\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\/physical-attacks\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Physical Attacks | eReader\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u201cThe most extreme form of censorship is to kill a journalist. The killing not only silences the voice of the particular journalist, but also intimidates other journalists and the public in general.\u201d UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Christof Heyns[footnote]Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, A\/HRC\/20\/22 (2012) [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.mediadefence.org\/ereader\/publications\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\/physical-attacks\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"eReader\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2022-09-22T10:22:08+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"8 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/physical-attacks\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/physical-attacks\\\/\",\"name\":\"Physical Attacks | eReader\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2022-09-21T17:26:31+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2022-09-22T10:22:08+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/physical-attacks\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/physical-attacks\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/physical-attacks\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Publications\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Modules on Litigating Freedom of Expression and Digital Rights in South and Southeast Asia\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":4,\"name\":\"Module 10: Violence Against Journalists\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/publications\\\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\\\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":5,\"name\":\"Physical Attacks\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/\",\"name\":\"eReader\",\"description\":\"Media Defence\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.mediadefence.org\\\/ereader\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Physical Attacks | eReader","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.mediadefence.org\/ereader\/publications\/modules-on-litigating-freedom-of-expression-and-digital-rights-in-south-and-southeast-asia\/module-10-violence-against-journalists\/physical-attacks\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Physical Attacks | eReader","og_description":"\u201cThe most extreme form of censorship is to kill a journalist. 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